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 Hillary Started It (Limiting Individual Prerogatives, Part 2) [15:16m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (4)

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Part 1 of Limiting Individual Prerogatives

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Have you ever wondered where Obamacare came from? From where, exactly, did those 2700 pages of undecipherable prose arise?

It is clear that our Congresspersons never read it, let alone wrote it. At the President’s “Health Care Summit” in late February it seemed pretty plain, to DrRich at least, that the only people in the room who had read the bill carefully were Republican Congresspersons Ryan and Cantor. The proponents of the bill stuck to generalities, platitudes, and vignettes about recycling dead people’s dentures. When Ryan and Cantor used their knowledge of the bill to question the President about its details, they were admonished to stop using “props.” The President was not just being mean; he needed to avoid getting into the details because he himself had only a broad general idea of what the bill actually said. This is not a slam at the President; the bill is designed to be fundamentally indeterminate in its meaning, so that the regulators who will later translate it into rules, regulations and guidelines, under which healthcare providers can then be prosecuted, can at that time interpret it as directed. This is what Nancy Pelosi meant when she said, a few days later, that Congress would have to pass the bill so that we all could find out what was in it. (This also explains why none of our legislators read it – except for those pesky Republicans, who were only trying to make trouble. What’s the point in reading a long, boring document whose actual meaning will only be sorted out later?)

So, DrRich asks again, where did this bill – whose actual meaning was elusive even to the President and the legislators who were promoting it – come from? Who actually put the words to the page, and crafted this remarkable piece of legislation?

We may never know the name(s) of the person (people) who held the pen(s) which scratched out the actual words, any more than we will ever know the real names of the individuals who wrote the gospels of Matthew and Luke. But, just as New Testament scholars have been able to trace these two gospels to a common prior source – the so-called “Q document” – it is not difficult for anyone with a smattering of interest in the art of legislative exegesis to trace the source document for our new healthcare law.

The Q Document for President Obama’s Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, was, of course, Hillary Clinton’s Health Security Act, which went down to ignominious defeat in 1994.

DrRich, who is rapidly developing an expertise in forensic diplomatics, and having spent significant time examining aspects of the Obamacare bill, decided to go back in time, and re-examine Hillary’s original proposal for fundamentally transforming the American healthcare system.

While Hillary’s Health Security Act was widely castigated by contemporaries as being a vast monstrosity of bureaucratic legerdemain, filled with complexity and labyrinthine passages that attempted to hide its true meaning, DrRich, after spending some time with Obamacare, found Hillarycare to be a model of legislative brevity and clarity. In fact, DrRich believes, its very straightforwardness is what killed it.

For instance, Hillarycare is only 1368 pages in length. How could they be so concise?

Even more remarkably, Hillarycare spells out pretty plainly what it actually means to do. For instance, in the Obamacare bill, in order for a reader to assemble the information that the  Independent Medicare Advisory Board is actually to be called the Independent Payment Advisory Board, and that its “advisory opinions” which are to be submitted to Congress for “consideration” are actually formal dictates which must be followed to the letter, and that it can inflict its cost-cutting mandates to all of healthcare and not just to government programs, one must jump around to numerous distant sections in the 2700-page document. In the Hillarycare bill, in stark contrast, the analogous National Health Board (which, like the Immutables, was to have been the Supreme Court of Healthcare, beyond which there was to be no appeal, no revision, and no repeal) is presented in an entirely straightforward way, and all in one place.

And now, having immersed himself once again, however briefly, in the relatively refreshing model of clarity and precision that was Hillarycare, DrRich is convinced that the people who actually wrote the Obamacare bill (and may God keep these invaluable masters of legislative poetry safe, as we will be needing them), simply began with Hillary’s old Health Security Act, disassembled it into various bits, padded each bit with a little more than twice its weight in verbiage, and reassembled the pieces in some nearly random fashion, puzzle-like, into the exceedingly difficult-to-read document that became Obamacare.

That is, Hillarycare is demonstrably the Q document to Obamacare.

Obamacare’s debt to Hillarycare is obvious. Hillarycare included individual mandates requiring everyone to have government-approved health insurance; it reduced private health insurers to government-directed utilities, whose products, rates, and profits were to be controlled by the feds; and it created omnicient and omnipotent panels which were to hand down dictates to let doctors know what services they may or may not provide and under what circumstances.

DrRich, therefore, formally advances the thesis that if you want to understand what Obamacare is actually getting at – what with its inherent and intentional obscurity, obscurity designed with care to provide its proponents with plausible deniability – simply examine the much more straightforward model from which it was derived, namely, Hillarycare.

And this brings us, finally, to the theme of this current series of posts. For Hillarycare strictly limited, in practice, the ability of individuals to spend their own money on their own healthcare.

In this instance even Hillarycare had to be a bit obtuse. For, as DrRich’s critics have pointed out to him so very many times, Americans are jealous of their own personal liberties, and are not likely to simply tolerate a frontal assault on their right to guard their health with their own resources. And of course DrRich agrees with this idea. Indeed, the fact that Hillarycare was insufficiently obtuse on this matter had a lot to do with why it ultimately failed to become law.

The attempt at limiting individual prerogatives under Hillarycare was, to be sure, devious (though not devious enough to fool people). So it began with a straightforward statement declaring that it was not doing what it was actually trying to do: “Nothing in this Act shall be construed as prohibiting…an individual from purchasing any health care services.”

Now first of all, for readers who persist in thinking that restrictive language like this, when it appears in federal legislation, actually means anything in particular, let DrRich disabuse you of that notion with two examples. 1) The legislation that created Medicare contains the following language: “Nothing in this title shall be construed to authorize any federal officer or employee to exercise any supervision or control over the practice of medicine, or the manner in which medical services are provided, or over the selection, tenure, or compensation of any officer, or employee, or any institution, agency or person providing health care services.” (Section 1801, Medicare Act, 1965). 2) Obamacare contains language that prohibits healthcare rationing.

In any case, after making this broad promise in favor of individual liberty, Hillarycare went on to limit individual liberties. It attempted to do this in the Fraud and Abuse section of the proposed law, which sought to dry up most of private medical practice, and criminalize the rest. It provided for strict governmental controls over the fees that could be charged by fee-for-service doctors or private practitioners. And if the feds decided that a private doctor’s fees were too high, they could charge him/her with bribe-taking, a serious federal crime under the new law. Indeed, Hillarycare attempted to make illegal most of the ways patients could go outside the approved system to get “extra” healthcare. Criminal penalties could accrue to both the doctor and patient. According to Paul Craig Roberts, writing in the Washington Times in December, 1993, “Mr. Clinton’s plan turns normal patient advocacy into a federal criminal offense. For example, a doctor who wants an earlier date for surgery for a needful patient can be accused of using wrongful influence and accepting a bribe and sentenced, along with the patient, to 15 years in prison.”

While none of this got much publicity in the general media in 1993-1994 (which goes to show that things really haven’t changed that much), you can be sure that doctors were aware of it. That Hillarycare would make it so very easy to inadvertently commit a federal crime – which would lead to massive fines, loss of license, and jail – was, in fact, one of the main reasons most physicians were so violently opposed to it.

The point DrRich is trying to make here is to demonstrate just how deeply reformers feel the need to control the behavior of physicians (and through physicians, the behavior of patients) in order to gain the control they need over individuals, and just how far they are willing to go to this end. It was partly because the Clintons showed their hand in this regard that their healthcare plan failed.

DrRich will now make two final points, and then end this already-too-long post. First, while Hillarycare failed to become law, many of the over-the-top anti-fraud provisions within Hillarycare actually became the law of the land a few years later, in the HIPAA legislation. DrRich has discussed this in detail in his book, and demonstrated how, during the rest of the Clinton administration, the healthcare police worked diligently to let doctors know that their careers, life savings, and physical freedom were dependent on making the happiness of the government – and not of their patients – their chief concern. This activity stopped during the Bush presidency, and has not yet picked up again under President Obama. But the infrastructure is in place already for an unusually effective coercion of doctors, in order to keep them from providing services, and thus to keep patients from buying those services, that the government does not like. There was, in fact, no need to add this infrastructure to the Obamacare legislation. The only thing that’s necessary is for the government to decide (as it did for a few years during the 1990s) that it’s time to take off the gloves.

And second, the intent of the people who brought us Hillarycare – the same people, in philosophy if not in person, who brought us Obamacare – ought to be very plain to all of us. We know their mindset. They may not have gotten away with limiting individual prerogatives in 1994 – but they certainly tried to.

And while it is true that Americans greatly value their liberty, and will chafe at overt restrictions on their ability to use their own resources for the sake of their own health, DrRich reiterates that actually preventing these restrictions will depend on our continued vigilance, and our willingness to stop the people who so plainly want to stifle our individual prerogatives, for the sake of the control they must have.
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Part 3 of Limiting Individual Prerogatives

Part 4 of Limiting Individual Prerogatives

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 The Real Fight is Just Beginning (Limiting Individual Prerogatives, Part 1) [12:52m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (5)

Unlike many of those who actually supported President Obama’s healthcare reform, DrRich always remained confident (even during the darkest days, such as right after the Scott Brown election) that Obamacare would pass.

DrRich’s confidence stemmed from the simple fact that the health insurance industry required this outcome. That industry, having clearly reached the end of its life-cycle and having nowhere else to turn, desperately needed the government to provide it with a graceful exit strategy. And Obamacare, which promised to convert the health insurance industry into a public utility, was as good a deal as they were going to get. And so, while the President and his supporters traveled the land, painting insurers as the very embodiment of all healthcare evil, with sundry hapless victims of insurance industry atrocities in tow (for demonstration purposes), we Americans were treated to the spectacle of the insurers themselves not only declining to defend themselves, but actively adding fuel to the fire whenever necessary to keep reform moving along, and gratefully embracing their assigned role as the villains of the set piece. And in the end we got the healthcare reform the insurers desperately needed.

So, dear readers, now that this thing has finally come to pass, it is time to prepare ourselves for the real fight, the fight whose outcome is actually in question, and which will determine not merely what kind of healthcare system we will finally end up with, but more importantly, what kind of society we will be. That question, of course, is whether individual Americans ultimately will be restrained from using their own resources to provide for their own medical care.

DrRich has said many times that this was to be our real battle. And whenever he has said this, loyal (but misguided) readers have questioned his sanity – or at least, his judgment. There is simply no reason (these critics insist) for our leaders to attempt to prevent individuals from buying some of their own healthcare with their own money. There is nothing in the bill (they go on) that explicitly does so. And besides (they offer as a clincher), we’re Americans, and even our clueless political leaders know that we’d never stand for it. The very notion that our government would try such a thing amounts to simple paranoia.

DrRich sincerely hopes his critics are right, and that his fear over such a restriction to our personal liberties is just one more manifestation of his paranoid psychosis. For, if his critics are right, not only do we have drugs for that, but also DrRich would be allowed to buy them.

DrRich is sorry to say, however, that if we Americans are to suffer no restrictions on our ability to purchase healthcare services with our own money (and, ultimately, on our ability to expend any individual resources for any individual benefit), this outcome will likely result solely from enough of us remaining vigilant, and vigorously fighting oppressive efforts whenever we find them. It will not result from our complacency, or from placing our trust in the beneficence, the common sense, or the respect for fundamental American precepts, of our political leaders.

This will truly be a momentous fight. Its outcome will determine, to a very great extent, what kind of country we will be, and more importantly, whether the Great American Experiment – arguably the greatest secular endeavor in human history – will continue, or will end in a whimper.

In this and in the next few posts, DrRich will attempt to explain himself by addressing three specific questions. 1) Why must individual prerogatives be restrained in our new healthcare system? 2) What evidence do we have that such restraining efforts are already in the works? 3) How have such restraining efforts already become ingrained in our current, pre-reform healthcare system?

Why Individual Prerogatives Must Be Restrained

It is natural and unavoidable for universal healthcare systems to strive to limit individual prerogatives.*

These healthcare systems are “universal” in two senses. First, they attempt to cover all people. Second, almost by definition they cover “all” healthcare services. Under America’s new healthcare law, for instance, our new health insurance utilities (formerly health insurance companies) are required to issue policies (which every American must have) that cover everything. “Qualified” health plans under our new law MUST cover (as laid out in Section 1302): ambulatory patient services, emergency services, hospitalization, maternity and newborn care, mental health and substance use disorder services, including behavioral health treatment, prescription drugs, rehabilitative and habilitative services and devices, laboratory services, preventive and wellness services and chronic disease management, pediatric services, including oral and vision care.

Fundamentally, this “universality of features” reflects a particular philosophy. The central authority is telling the individual that “everything” will be taken care of for them, from soup to nuts. So no need to worry your pretty little heads. But, as always when the central authority assumes all responsibility for providing some aspect of security (in this case, healthcare security), it also assumes all control.

It is important for the government to control all healthcare spending not only because it is the natural state of governments to continually accrue all the power they can (see: Thomas Jefferson), but also because, in the case of healthcare, controlling all expenditures is essential for the purpose of covert rationing.

Allowing individuals to spend their own money fundamentally undermines such a system. It implies that the central authority is actually not supplying all useful healthcare services (when, by definition, it is), and thus implies that the government may be doing some kind of rationing. When one is dedicated to rationing covertly, such an implication cannot be permitted.

Perhaps more importantly, when individuals are allowed to purchase “extra” healthcare, that’s a graphic admission to the unwashed masses that there is extra healthcare to be had. That is, it raises expectations for everybody, and these higher expectations make it that much more difficult for the central authority to pull its covert rationing strings.

(The official reason the central authority will always give for restricting individual prerogatives is one of “fairness.” Allowing the rich to go outside the system would create an unfair, two-tiered healthcare system, etc., etc. But the real reason is that individual healthcare spending undermines the government’s control, and that control is essential for covert rationing.)

The critical importance of controlling the expectations of the masses is nicely illustrated by some of the problems being experienced by the British and the Canadian healthcare systems. In both of these systems, the very visible progress that has been made in the American healthcare system – new drugs, new techniques and new technology – has created new demands and new expectations among Canadian and British citizens. Essentially, seeing what was possible, enough of the population demanded better care that something had to change.

The inability of these universal healthcare systems to ignore such increased expectations has led to an acceleration in expenditures, and even to loosening up the restrictions on individuals. (Both of these universal systems started out, as a simple matter of course, by strictly forbidding individuals from purchasing “extra” healthcare with their own funds.)

Some of DrRich’s critics have argued that such “loosening up” shows that any restrictions on individuals simply will not stand – so we don’t really have anything to worry about. For, if such restrictions cannot be maintained in Canada or Great Britain, how will they ever be maintained in the U.S.? Perhaps. But DrRich suggests that, to the contrary, the fact that restrictions on individuals in Canada and Great Britain systems had to be revised simply illustrates the critical necessity, in any universal healthcare system, of managing expectations. For a failure to manage expectations, obviously, leads to a loss of control. Had it not been for the very visible example of American healthcare to show them what was possible, citizens of Canada and Great Britain quite possibly never would have agitated for “more.” As it is, thanks to the unfortunate example of high-cost healthcare their citizens saw in the U.S., British and Canadian officials were simply unable to manage the expectations of their citizenry.

Now that we too will soon have mandated universal healthcare (much to the relief, no doubt, of Canadian and British healthcare bureaucrats), it will become critically important for our government to manage the expectations of American citizens. Since American healthcare bureaucrats won’t have an annoying external healthcare system to worry about, continually displaying more effective, and more expensive, healthcare options,the job will be somewhat easier for them than it was for their counterparts in Canada and England. For American bureaucrats, managing public expectations will mainly mean restraining individual American citizens from going outside the system, and buying extra healthcare with their own money. This makes restricting individual prerogatives in the U.S. critical, even more critical than it was in our cousin nations. And we should not be surprised if our bureaucrats employ some very devious and even draconian maneuvers to do so.

DrRich believes that they will pull out all the stops to restrict individuals. Whatever methods they employ will, of course, be conducted only for the best of reasons – to have the fairest healthcare system possible, to have the most ethical healthcare system we can devise, and to protect misled Americans from throwing their hard-earned money away on unproven medical services. Whatever the reasons they might offer, their attempt to restrict individual prerogatives will become deadly serious, because doing so is absolutely essential to their real aims.

Covert rationing demands it.

*This is the case in practice, but not necessarily in theory. In his book, DrRich proposed a kind of universal healthcare system in which each American would be provided with catastrophic universal health insurance (which would operate under a system of open and transparent rationing), and in which Americans would then be expected to buy their more routine healthcare, as well as any non-covered healthcare they might want, themselves. (Poor Americans would be subsidized to do so.) But a system like DrRich’s encourages – even demands – individual responsibility, and is therefore philosophically objectionable.

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Part 2 of Limiting Individual Prerogatives

Part 3 of Limiting Individual Prerogatives

Part 4 of Limiting Individual Prerogatives

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 An Ounce of Prevention Costs A Pound of Cure [16:10m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (3)

As DrRich has noted many times over the years, “preventive healthcare services” cost the healthcare system far more money than they can ever save, and for this reason, any healthcare system engaged in covert rationing is going to have to find a way to stifle these preventive services.

Now, dear reader, before you go away angry, DrRich understands that some preventive measures are indeed very cost-effective. In fact, DrRich will now engage in a bit of cost-effective preventive healthcare: Don’t smoke. Don’t eat so damned much. And get some exercise.

There. DrRich has just successfully administered pretty much all of the truly cost-effective preventive measures known to modern medicine. (And it’s only cost-effective because the advice was free.)

All the other preventive stuff we do in medicine tends to bend the cost curve in the wrong direction.

Reasons that preventive healthcare services increase the cost of healthcare include: a) The preventive measure itself costs money. b) The preventive measure may not be effective. c) Many “preventive healthcare services” consist of some kind of screening test for “early detection,” and these screening tests almost always produce more false positive results than true positive results – leading to the need for more definitive, more expensive, and often invasive confirmatory tests. d) “Early detection” of any medical condition often detects “occult” disease, that may or may not have become manifest if it had remained undetected. e) Treating the diagnosed – and often occult – medical condition is often very expensive, produces complications, and/or is ineffective. f) Successfully preventing the target medical condition may give patients more time to consume healthcare resources for all their other medical conditions.

Please note that DrRich is not arguing here that preventive services are useless or undesirable. Often they are quite useful and very desirable. Rather, he is arguing that the healthcare system will spend more money by offering these preventive services than if it did not offer them.

This fact ought to prove embarrassing to our leaders, who have spent the last few years assuring us otherwise. Indeed, they have doggedly insisted, not only are preventive healthcare services cost-effective, but also it is precisely because of such preventive services (delivered in the remarkably efficient manner which will be achieved by our new healthcare system) that we will enjoy tremendous cost savings over the next decades.

Like Nancy Pelosi says, it’s all about “prevention, prevention, prevention.”

And having taken this bold and very public stance on prevention, our leaders are going to have to walk very gingerly (now that they have finally been successful in giving us the gift of healthcare reform), as they seek ways of cutting back on those selfsame preventive services.

They know this, of course, and have taken steps to provide themselves with the tools they will need to accomplish this feat. Their chief tool, based on what DrRich can find in the new healthcare law, is our old friend, the United States Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF).

Readers may remember that it was the USPSTF that released the controversial new “recommendations” on breast cancer screening last fall. Readers will also recall that the USPSTF’s new recommendation, that women under 50 no longer need screening mammograms, proved quite shocking to many women – women who had been urged for over a decade by various cancer societies, by the government, and by their doctors to get regular mammograms beginning at age 40, because the early detection of breast cancer was the best way not to die from breast cancer. Indeed (readers will again recall), the outcry was so great that Secretary Sebelius quickly issued a statement reminding us that the recommendations of the USPSTF were merely that – non-binding recommendations – and that women should continue getting their screening mammograms as they and their doctors thought best.

DrRich wondered at that time whether Secretary Sebelius (who was simultaneously urging all of us to support the healthcare reform bills which were then making their way through the House and Senate) actually knew that both of those bills contained language making the recommendations of the USPSTF legally (and retrospectively) binding.

In any case, DrRich wishes to take this opportunity to remind his readers that the healthcare reform which is now the law of the land indeed makes the USPSTF the arbiter of which preventive services are to be covered by private insurers (Section 2713), by Medicare (Section 4105), and by Medicaid (Section 4106). To be sure, presumably to bail out Ms. Sebelius, new language was added (Section 2713) to say that the recent recommendations on mammography do not apply, at least not for private insurance plans. (Similar language, however, does not appear in the Medicare or Medicaid sections [4105 and 4106], so patients covered by these programs may indeed be subject to the new mammography recommendations .) New mammography recommendations aside, for the rest of the preventive healthcare services that exist in the universe, only those that have achieved a grade of A or B by the USPSTF will be covered.

Now that the USPSTF has been officially converted from a panel that simply makes recommendations which doctors and insurance companies can take or leave alone, into a panel that determines definitively what is covered and what is not – and indeed, into the chief tool by which our leaders will seek ways to withhold expensive preventive services – DrRich would like to very briefly restate his objections to the USPSTF’s recent mammography rulings.

In a word, DrRich’s problem with the USPSTF’s revised mammogram recommendations has nothing whatever to do with whether mammography is really useful or not, but rather, with the methodologies the panel used to make those recommendations. For, if those methodologies are deemed legitimate, unfortunate precedents will have been set. Specifically, by analyzing the USPSTF’s own justifications for making its new mammogram recommendations, it is possible to derive at least four new “rules” under which the panel can operate in the future.

1) The USPSTF now recommends that breast cancer screening no longer be done for women under age 50. But by the panel’s own words, screening mammography in women in the 40 – 49 age group appears as effective at reducing mortality as it is in women 50 and older, and the panel indicates this fact several times within its own document. And as nearly as DrRich can tell, the panel’s only concrete rationale for dropping mammography for women under 50 is that it has found “a new systematic review, which incorporates a new randomized, controlled trial that estimates the ‘number needed to invite for screening to extend one woman’s life’ as 1904 for women aged 40 to 49 years and 1339 for women aged 50 to 59 years.”

This rationale implies the following rule, Rule 1: If you have a preventive measure which is equally effective across a large population of patients, you can withhold that preventive measure from any arbitrary subgroup within that large population, as long as performing the effective measure in that arbitrary subgroup is more costly than it is for some other arbitrary subgroup.

2) In its public justification for withholding mammogram screening for women aged 40 – 49, the USPSTF did not emphasize cost savings, but rather, emphasized the fact that screening in this age group results in more false positive tests than for older age groups, and thus in more unnecessary biopsies, and the potential for more unnecessary emotional trauma. While this is true, the traditional response to such a circumstance would be for doctors to carefully review the pros and cons of screening with each woman, so as to allow the individual to decide whether the possibility of needing an unnecessary biopsy outweighs the possibility of diagnosing breast cancer while it is still curable.

But instead, the panel established Rule 2: Rather than allowing individuals to apply their own values when weighing healthcare decisions which reasonable people could decide either way, it is legitimate for the panel to make those decisions from on high for all patients; and furthermore, it is legitimate for the panel to make different decisions for different and arbitrary subgroups of patients (e.g., one decision for women 40 – 49 years of age, another decision for women over 50).

3) The USPSTF now recommends that women not be taught breast self examination (BSE). In point of fact, since most doctors stopped teaching BSE a long time ago, this recommendation will probably have little actual impact. But the panel came to this recommendation based on clinical trials conducted in backward, 3rd world healthcare systems (Russia and China), where outcomes with breast cancer have little to do with outcomes in the U.S.

Perhaps more to the point, a similar tactic was used in deciding to withhold mammogram screening for women under 50. That is, the “new randomized controlled trial” the panel invoked to justify this decision was conducted in England, where outcomes for the treatment of breast cancer are substantially – and famously – worse than they are in the U.S.

So Rule 3 is established: It is legitimate to take the results of clinical outcomes trials conducted in backward countries with poor healthcare systems, or in less backward countries which nonetheless have demonstrably inferior outcomes, and directly apply those results to coverage decisions affecting American patients who are being treated in the American healthcare system. This is like performing a careful statistical analysis of outcomes from a Pee Wee football league, then telling the New England Patriots to abandon the forward pass, because the percentages just aren’t there.

4) The USPSTF now recommends that women 75 and older not get breast cancer screening, despite the fact that (from the panel’s own words) breast cancer is the leading cause of death in this age group. The panel justifies this recommendation by noting that there are insufficient data from randomized trials in these patients, and further, that “women of this age are at much greater risk for dying of other conditions that would not be affected by breast cancer screening.”

It is, perhaps, convenient that very few randomized clinical trials assessing preventive measures have ever been conducted in elderly populations, and further, that if such trials were conducted, any actual benefit that might accrue to the subset of relatively healthy older people would be diluted by the inclusion of large numbers of less healthy elderly patients. And, while doctors usually have little problem identifying those healthy 75-year-olds who are likely to survive another 10 – 15 years, and in whom detecting early breast cancer would likely be beneficial, the large, long-term, randomized clinical trials “proving” to the satisfaction of the USPSTF that these women deserve screening will, for all practical purposes, never be done.

So, Rule #4: Preventive measures should not be offered to old people, because they’re probably going to die soon anyway.

Those who want to criticize DrRich  because they feel the USPSTF’s actual recommendations on breast cancer screening are appropriate may, of course, do so. But you will be revealing yourself as a dunderhead. For, as DrRich has just made quite plain, he is not necessarily criticizing the substance of the new recommendations, but rather, the dangerous methodologies the panel used to reach those recommendations, and the four new rules those methodologies have established. These precedents are very troublesome indeed – especially now that we’re no longer dealing with the quaint USPSTF of old. The new USPSTF has acquired broad new powers, and is no longer making mere “recommendations,” but rather, definitive coverage decisions which will directly affect all of us.

And this, it appears, will be the primary means by which our leaders will get out of providing us with all those robust preventive healthcare services they always insisted they were dying to implement.

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 Some Powers of the Immutables [12:27m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (10)

As DrRich helpfully pointed out in his last post, our new healthcare law (Section 3403) creates a new and apparently immutable entity called the “Independent Medicare Advisory Board,” whose job is “to reduce the per capita rate of growth in Medicare spending.” This, in fact, is the right goal. For it is the rate of growth in healthcare spending (and not the absolute amount being spent) that threatens us with societal disintegration within the next couple of decades.

But it is mathematically impossible to attribute this explosive growth rate in healthcare spending to waste and inefficiency. Most of that growth must necessarily be caused by healthcare expenditures that are actually producing some benefit (though, to be sure, some of that benefit is marginal). And this means that in order to reduce the rate of growth, we have to ration healthcare (i.e., to withhold at least some beneficial healthcare from at least some of the people who would benefit from it).

We can only conclude that, in order for the new IMAB to do its designated job, it must ration healthcare. But since the same law that creates the IMAB also stipulates that it must not ration care, the IMAB must necessarily perform that unavoidable rationing covertly. This is a very difficult job, as demonstrated by the fact that the private health insurers (even with the wonderful incentive of profits, and with the full support of Congress) have utterly failed to develop a sustainable business model based on the covert rationing of healthcare.

But still, this is the job that our leaders have now assigned to the IMAB. And so, DrRich has attempted to tease out some of the options which remain available to the Immutables as they embark on their difficult but necessary assignment of covertly rationing our healthcare. (As DrRich will shortly explain, the legal nomenclature for the IMAB is actually a bit confusing and misleading. So for clarity’s sake, DrRich will hereafter refer to this Board as the Immutables.)

DrRich has found, so far, at least three powers which our new healthcare law grants to the Immutables, that will give them at least a fighting chance at success.

1. The most fruitful pathway to covert rationing remains open to them.

The new healthcare law specifically does not allow the Immutables “to ration health care, raise revenues or Medicare beneficiary premiums. . ., increase Medicare beneficiary cost-sharing (including deductibles, coinsurance, and copayments), or otherwise restrict benefits or modify eligibility criteria.” While these prohibitions might appear on the surface to greatly limit the options available to the Immutables, in fact all this language does is to formalize their directive to ration covertly instead of openly. Since covert rationing has long been our society’s policy regarding healthcare, these prohibitions actually change nothing.

What is left to the Immutables, of course, is the most time-honored pathway to covert rationing – coercing the healthcare providers to place the needs of the payers ahead of the needs of their patients. DrRich has posted innumerable examples over the years showing how payers do this. He is confident that the Immutables will employ all the methodologies which have been devised to date for coercing providers, and (with the awful power of the sovereign authority behind them) they will invent some really useful new ones.

2. The Immutables have been granted near-dictatorial authority.

On the surface, one might think of the Immutables as a sort of Mr. Rogers of healthcare – a mild-mannered, friendly, always-helpful, but ultimately undemanding agent for good. One might get this impression by reading the first few paragraphs of Section 3403, which paint the new entity as an “advisory” board, whose main task is to develop “proposals” and “advisory reports,” and these “proposals” and “advisory reports” would solely consist of various “recommendations,” that ought to be “considered” for the purpose of cost reduction.

Indeed, one might get the impression that the main difference between the Immutables and this blog is that the former is appointed by the President, and has a travel budget.

Nothing could be further from the truth. Once the Chief Actuary of CMS determines that the projected per capita growth rate for Medicare exceeds the target growth rate, the Immutables are required to submit a “proposal” which will cut costs sufficiently to bring the growth rate back in line. Then, the Secretary of HHS is required to implement that “proposal” in its entirety, unless Congress acts to block implementation. However, Congress is forbidden from taking any action “that would repeal or otherwise change the recommendations of the Board,” unless it replaces those “recommendations” with its own legislation that would cut Medicare spending to the same target level.

For all practical purposes, then, the cost-cutting “recommendations” which the Immutables would “propose” for “consideration” will be implemented nearly automatically, with the full authority of the Federal government.

And, for all practical purposes, the Immutables will become a new agency of the executive branch, with near-dictatorial authority to cut Medicare spending as it sees fit.

3. The Immutables have been granted the authority to limit private health-care expenditures.

Those who paid attention to the process that brought us our new and transformational healthcare system might recall that the Senate bill, which ultimately became law of the land, was never designed to be actually implemented. It was designed solely to assure 60 votes in the Senate, after which the Joint Conference with the House was to meld the House Bill and the Senate Bill into a workable law.

As part of the negotiations to gain those original 60 votes in the Senate, five or six Democrat Senators cobbled together a list of amendments to the original Senate Bill – the so-called Manager’s Amendments. It is in the Manager’s Amendments that one can find such famous niceties as the bribes paid to Nebraska. But the Manager’s Amendments (which, contrary to the expectations of the actual Managers, are now part of our new healthcare law) contained lots of other stuff as well.

One of the more interesting parts of the Manager’s Amendments (Section 10320) is entitled, “Expansion Of The Scope Of, And Additional Improvements To, The Independent Medicare Advisory Board.”

Section 10320 (which can be found way down on page 2210 of the new law) grants the Immutables (beginning in 2015) the authority to limit all healthcare expenditures, and not just expenditures by Medicare or government-run programs.

To emphasize this expanded authority, Section 10320 changes the name of the Immutables from the Independent Medicare Advisory Board to the Independent Payment Advisory Board. It directs the Immutables (and now readers will understand why DrRich has resorted to this more descriptive name), at least every two years, to “submit to Congress and the President recommendations to slow the growth in national health expenditures” for private (non-Federal) healthcare programs. Furthermore, it allows that these “recommendations” may be implemented by the Secretary of HHS or other Federal agencies administratively.

Ostensibly, the justification for this expansion of the Immutables’ authority is that controlling private healthcare expenditures will directly impact Medicare, since the “target” Medicare growth rate which the Immutables are charged with achieving will be determined by overall healthcare expenditures. More practically, if Medicare patients (who are subjected to arbitrary cost-cutting measures) see their younger counterparts enjoying less restricted healthcare, the old farts are likely to become rowdy. But DrRich suspects there was an even stronger reason to give the Immutables this authority over private healthcare expenditures.

DrRich has often speculated that the real fight regarding healthcare reform will come when the government attempts to limit the ability of American citizens to spend their own money on their own healthcare. This limitation is absolutely necessary if we’re to have a single-payer healthcare system, since if you can spend your own money on your own healthcare, that would be at least two payers. (It would also be “unfair.”)

Many of DrRich’s readers think it’s absurd to think we’re headed toward a single-payer system. DrRich hopes these readers are correct. But he also thinks there’s plenty of evidence that some of our leaders are intentionally taking us there. The new healthcare law, at least arguably, is entirely consistent with such an ultimate goal. And if we are ever to have a single-payer system, the government ultimately will need the authority to limit private expenditures.

DrRich does not believe that the Immutables will act immediately to limit the ability of private citizens to spend their own money on their own medical well-being. Such an action would create a great uproar today, and likely for several years to come, at least until those of us who still cling to the quaint notion of individual autonomy are finally worn down, or re-educated, or otherwise made to see the light.

But whenever that time comes, Section 10320 of the new healthcare law appears to give the Immutables all the authority they will need.

(At the same time, those who castigate DrRich for paranoia might consider reading just how far our healthcare system has already come in limiting the prerogatives of individuals.)

Podcast:

 

 Healthcare Reform Explained - An Updated Guide For The Perplexed [15:42m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (5)

Now that the great campaign to transform the American healthcare system has passed a critical milestone – the passage of President Obama’s healthcare reform legislation – many Americans find themselves confused about what it all means. What just happened here? What will happen to our healthcare insurance? How much will it cost, and who will pay for it? Why does the whole process seem so darned difficult and confusing?

The confusion is quite natural, since, in fact, nobody really understands what the new legislation says. It is common knowledge that only one or two of our legislators actually read the whole 2700 pages, and those who did only read it so they could make trouble for the President at his Bipartisan Healthcare Roundtable this past spring. (You know who you are, Paul Ryan.)

Remember when Nancy Pelosi said, “We have to pass the bill so we can all find out what’s in it,” and all the Republicans jumped all over her for making such a stupid remark? Well, DrRich is here to tell you that Nancy was displaying uncommon wisdom. Because DrRich now has read large parts of the legislation himself, and can say with confidence that the bill is not merely lengthy, convoluted, and difficult to understand. Rather, its meaning is fundamentally indeterminate.

The indeterminacy of the bill’s language was, of course, intentional. It was done so that, for instance, some legislators could be assured that the bill disallowed Federally funded abortions, and other legislators could be assured that the bill encouraged Federally funded abortions, while the actual language of the bill could be construed to bolster either assertion. Therefore, Speaker Pelosi’s silly-sounding statement was not only correct, but also was probably the most insightful commentary on the bill we’ve heard from any public official.

The bill is now being torn into bits by multitudes of officious bureaucrats, and translated into millions of pages of rules, regulations and guidelines, and then key aspects of those new rules, regulations, &c. will be fought over in courts of law. Once all that is finished, we can all find out what was in it. Just like Nancy said.

In the meantime, whatever the details of our new healthcare system turn out to be, there is a certain clear narrative to our ongoing healthcare saga that, once you understand it, will go a long way toward enlightening you about what’s really going on.

And so, as a public service, DrRich will now explain all this to you in a very simple way, so that – whatever jive you’re hearing from politicians or journalists – you will always get it. For, once you understand a few key concepts, this thing is really pretty easy to follow.

The Fundamental Problem

The fundamental problem with American healthcare is this: None of the pools of money we have created (or ever could create) to pay for our healthcare – whether those pools of money reside with the insurance companies or the government or both – can possibly buy all the healthcare that might benefit all Americans. This means we have to ration healthcare (i.e., intentionally withhold at least some beneficial healthcare from at least some of the people who would benefit from it). But because we’re Americans and Americans don’t ration, we (and in particular, our political leaders) are unable to address this need to ration openly and forthrightly. Therefore, the unavoidable rationing is being conducted covertly.

Until now, most of the covert rationing has been overseen by the health insurance industry. This, indeed, from the very beginning was the primary purpose of modern health insurance companies, as determined by Congress itself when it legislated the formation of HMOs. (See the ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court in Pegram et al. v. Herdrich (98-1949), 530 US 211, 2000.) So, when the health insurers engage in cherrypicking patients, denying medically necessary services, coercing doctors to ration at the bedside, retrospectively canceling the policies of patients after they get sick, and doing everything short of dispatching teams of Ninjas in the dark of night to slaughter some of their more expensive subscribers in their sleep, they are not really being evil. They are only carrying out the job that had been assigned to them by our society. Covert rationing is a dirty, thankless job, but somebody’s got to do it.

The major sin of the health insurers is that, despite their Herculean efforts to harness covert rationing to control costs – and despite the wondrous incentive of greater profits if they do so – they have utterly failed in their assignment. Healthcare costs continue to rise at 3 – 4 times the rise in the cost of living, and within the next couple of decades promises to bring our republic to its fiscal knees (even without all the other stuff that’s making our deficit explode).

This is the healthcare crisis, and it’s real. We simply cannot actually spend $40 trillion on Medicare patients over the next three or four decades (as we’ve explicitly promised the baby boomers). The only real question is whether we will avoid spending all that money thanks to societal disruption and revolution, or by some more civilized means. (The fiscal implosion of our society would of course finally fix our healthcare crisis. Healthcare, far from being an essential and indispensable human need, actually is a luxury, a recent artifact of our advanced, stable, and affluent culture. Runaway healthcare costs, by bringing down our societal stability, will eventually provide its own cure.) Our current “healthcare reform process,” such as it is, is our stab at a more civilized means of addressing our looming impossible fiscal obligations.

What Is Healthcare Reform Actually Going to Reform?

What we are witnessing today is merely a rather messy changing of the guard. The primary responsibility for covert healthcare rationing is going to shift from the health insurers to the government.

The health insurance industry has run out its string. They have had 15+ years of virtually unfettered opportunity to get healthcare costs under control, and they have utterly failed. Over those 15 years, their attitude has evolved from arrogance to concern to abject fear. They finally and starkly realize that they have no clue as to how to control costs. As DrRich has pointed out for three years, the insurance industry has not been looking to block healthcare reform, but rather, was partnering with the reformers in the hope of finding for themselves a graceful exit strategy. They hope to gain one last windfall in profits and stock prices (from mandates and insurance subsidies for the tens of millions of currently uninsured Americans), and once that happens, they hope to settle into the business of administering, and processing transactions for, government controlled healthcare. That is, the insurers hope to become public utilities, since that’s way better than collapsing into oblivion.

So the overriding aim of healthcare reform, with the complete support of the insurance industry, is to conduct an orderly transfer of the pools of money with which we pay for our healthcare – along with the responsibility of managing “risk” and controlling the cost of care (i.e., covert rationing) – away from private insurers and to the government.

Understanding the Players

Government control of healthcare, of course, is precisely what the Republicans accuse the Democrats of wanting, and what the Democrats angrily deny they want.

Understanding the Republicans. Republicans as a group cling to the quaint notion that competition among insurers is all that is needed to reduce healthcare costs; that given the right market incentives, the insurance industry – in its wisdom – will bring healthcare inflation under control. They utterly fail to hear what the insurance companies themselves have said (by their actions): “No mas!”

The Republicans’ arguments ring hollow. It is useless to protest that the Democrat plans will lead to rationing, when not only do we already have rationing, but covert rationing in fact has been the official cost-cutting “plan” assigned to HMOs for decades now. It is useless to protest that 85% of Americans like their current health insurance, when the fiscal reality is that health insurance will change drastically for all Americans over the next decade or so, whether we change it by design or not. It does not matter that a lot of Americans like the health insurance they have now. Keeping it over the long term is not an option.

To a very large extent (DrRich is sorry to say, what with his conservative leanings and all), with such arguments the Republicans have made themselves nearly irrelevant in the current discussion.

Understanding the Democrats. The Democrats were handed the opportunity of a generation. They had a major advantage that Democrats of the Clinton era did not have: the health insurance industry is finished, and the industry knows it. The insurance industry was not going to let this effort fail.

The chief difficulty remaining for the Democrats is that (for their own survival) they must pretend they are not engineering a government takeover of healthcare, when in fact they are. As we have seen, there is not really much choice here. They must take over healthcare even if they don’t want to (though many of them do), because the health insurance industry is finished. The pretense is necessary, however, because the notion of government-controlled healthcare is not something the people – or even many Democrats – want, or are willing to tolerate.

Like the odious job of rationing healthcare (which they have now inherited in entirety), the Democrats must attempt to keep the complete government takeover of the healthcare system as covert as possible.

Which brings us to the biggest problem of all for the Democrats. They now have to take control of covert healthcare rationing. Covert rationing will be much more difficult for a government-run system than it has been for insurance companies. A government healthcare system will not have the opportunity to incorporate the most effective rationing techniques that have been available to the insurance industry – cherrypicking patients, for instance, or canceling the policies of people who get sick. Nor will the government be able to get away with summarily denying patients needed medical services – a standard tactic of HMOs. This is especially true now that chief Republican intellectuals have called everyone’s attention to the possibility of death panels. The unwashed masses, having been duly alerted to the government’s intentions of withholding life-saving healthcare, will now be on the lookout for “unreasonable” denials of care. Any move by the government to refuse to pay for a particular medical service will have to be supported by extremely convincing clinical data (which itself will be very expensive to collect), and even then Americans may not quietly accept such denials. The “death panel watchdogs” will be alert for every move the government makes, and will be quick to howl an alarm.

So the Democrats have won a huge and historic victory. But they are just beginning to figure out what a tiger they have by the tail.

The Bottom Line

As long as we pretend we don’t have to ration our healthcare, any reforms we invent – whether we do it as Republicans or Democrats – will merely add to the confusion, inefficiency, waste, inequity, and ineffectiveness of our healthcare system. How anyone can think that a process so fundamentally grounded in obfuscation and deception as the one we’ve just witnessed will result in anything good is quite beyond DrRich’s comprehension.

Real reform would require us to:

A) Minimize the necessity of imposed rationing by having patients themselves make as many of the spending decisions as possible, using their own money. (Subsidies could be provided to people who don’t have enough of their own money to pay for routine healthcare.)

B) Provide everyone with a high-deductable, catastrophic insurance product to cover non-routine medical expenses. This is where the necessary rationing would take place, but the rationing would be open, transparent, and determined through a public process.

C) Create a private market for “extra” health insurance for those who choose to supplement the universal catastrophic plan with their own funds.

But of course, any plan that relies on both personal responsibility and open rationing is a non-starter. Which is why we are going to get what we are going to get.

Loyal readers will know that DrRich has long believed that passage of healthcare reform was inevitable – but not because the President wanted it, or because Democrats controlled Congress, or because the people wanted it. It was inevitable because the American health insurance industry absolutely needed it.

Health insurance companies find themselves at the place in their industry’s life cycle where, for the very first time, they have to try to make a profit by actually taking care of sick people. They have never done that successfully, and never will. They have tried every underhanded trick imaginable to avoid paying benefits to their subscribers, and have already raised insurance premiums to the very breaking point. But patients are getting older and sicker, and expensive drugs and medical devices and other technologies keep coming on line. The insurance industry’s profit margins (already small) are rapidly eroding. Its business model is irreparably broken. What the health insurers need more than anything else is a graceful exit strategy – whether it’s a buyout from the government, or a conversion to a public utility. And the only way they’re going to get such an exit strategy is through a fundamental reform of the American healthcare system. Hence, this is what they must have.

It is already difficult to remember how remote the possibility of healthcare reform seemed only two months ago, immediately after the election of Scott Brown in Massachusetts. Conventional wisdom at that time was that the kind of sweeping reforms the President wanted (and that we’ve now received) had become impossible. And the President himself seemed to confirm that opinion in his State of the Union message, in which he gave healthcare reform only a few, almost wistful paragraphs, and only after talking for 20 minutes about more pressing concerns. NPR’s take was, “Obama Treads Lightly On Health In State Of The Union,” and reported that the President seemed now “willing to reopen the discussion to accommodate better ideas on how to remake the nation’s health system.”

DrRich believes he was the first to point out, on February 18, that the health insurance companies, faced with a broken business model and in imminent crisis, would not allow healthcare reform to die, and must necessarily act in some dramatic way to resurrect it, and indeed – with the announcement of a 39% premium increase by Anthem Blue Cross in California – had just done so. While other, more mainstream pundits entirely missed its significance, DrRich patiently explained to his readers that Anthem’s ostensibly ill-timed announcement was actually a purposeful strategy, carefully calculated to inject new life into healthcare reform. And of course, it worked.

Now, belatedly (i.e., on March 20), lesser pundits (such as those who work for the New York Times) have come around to DrRich’s way of thinking, and have pointed to the Anthem announcement as a major turning point in the healthcare reform saga. Indeed, some reporters (who, admittedly, are even more on the fringe than DrRich) claim to have uncovered a conspiracy, in which Angela Braly (the CEO of Wellpoint, parent company of Anthem) is claimed to have actively conspired with the Obama administration to save healthcare reform.

This is an interesting allegation, but DrRich generally does not believe in conspiracies, at least, not in conspiracies which are larger than those necessary to cheat at bridge. The fact is, one does not need to invoke any kind of conspiracy here. Anthem/Wellpoint was merely acting in its own corporate best interests. If their announced rate hike proved insufficient, we would have heard of even more astounding rate hikes by other insurance companies. Whatever it took.

DrRich has been saying since 2007 that the health insurance industry, more than any other player in the healthcare system or in the government, absolutely needed healthcare reform, and needed it now, and for that reason alone, in one way or another, we would get healthcare reform.

And that’s exactly what happened.

DrRich is not smart enough to predict what specific bribes, threats or subversive parliamentary maneuvering will finally win passage of the President’s healthcare reform. However it comes about, DrRich thinks the result will be bad.

DrRich arrived at this opinion through a long process, lasting many years, that changed his thinking on the proper role of our government in our daily lives. One key event within this long process, which he related in his book, first opened DrRich’s eyes regarding the essential benignity of our government as it administers its assumed role as guardian of the people’s healthcare.

DrRich reproduces this vignette here:

One afternoon in June of 1994, I was summoned to a meeting by a vice president of the hospital for which I worked at the time. Meetings, especially unannounced ones, are the bane of employed physicians; but this one, I was led to understand, was mandatory.

I found the meeting room filled with high-ranking hospital administrators, hospital attorneys, and my clinical chairman. A gathering of luminaries such as these, especially on short notice, was decidedly rare. As I walked into the room all eyes were on me. I knew all these people; they’d been my friends and colleagues for years. We’d been fighting the healthcare wars side by side. But now they studied me as if seeing me for the first time.

“Who died?” I asked, just to break the ice.

“To be determined,” responded one of the lawyers.

They got right down to business. The chief hospital attorney explained: The federal government, in the guise of the Office of the Inspector General (OIG), had launched a major investigation of allegedly improper Medicare billing practices related to the use of investigational implantable cardioverter defibrillators (ICDs) in the late 1980s. This investigation, I was told, had begun as a whistleblower law suit out on the west coast, and the feds were now expanding their inquiry. The OIG had just subpoenaed records from approximately 120 of the largest hospitals in the country that implanted ICDs. We were one of the 120.

Now I understood why I was here. As Chief of Cardiac Electrophysiology, research with the ICD was one of the major endeavors of my career. The ICD is a device that is designed to prevent sudden death in patients whose cardiac disease makes them susceptible to such an event. Once implanted, the ICD recognizes the sudden, lethal heart rhythm disturbances that cause nearly instant death, and automatically delivers a shock to the heart to restore it to a normal rhythm. It is a remarkably effective device, and was obviously so from the very beginning. Seldom, in fact, has a more dramatically effective life-saving therapy ever been devised for any illness or disease. For this reason, as long as I had access to these devices I (and most electrophysiologists), felt morally obligated to offer them to any eligible patients who were at high risk for sudden death.

So now I understood why I had been summoned to the meeting. What I didn’t understand was why the Feds thought we’d done anything wrong.

“We shouldn’t have any problems there,” I protested. “You’ll recall that we looked into the legality of billing for ICDs back in ’87 when I first started working here. And Medicare said it was okay.” While I was an employed physician (and so the hospital handled all the billing for my services), I’d had enough concern about billing Medicare for investigational devices that I’d insisted the hospital get clarification from our Medicare Intermediary (the local agent and representative for Medicare) on the matter.

One of the attorneys answered. “That’s right. The Medicare Intermediary indicated at the time that there was nothing illegal about billing for the ICDs, but couldn’t guarantee they’d pay for them. As it turns out, they’ve paid for each one we’ve implanted, and never questioned our using them.”

“Then what’s the problem?”

“Medicare now says we’ve been in violation by sending the bills,” the lawyer replied. “There’s apparently an obscure instruction in the Intermediary’s guidebook that prohibits billing for some investigational devices.”

“But we got clearance from the Intermediary,” I protested.

“And that’s the defense we’ll take. The Intermediary itself didn’t know about this instruction. But unfortunately, Medicare operates a little like the IRS. If you call the IRS with a tax question and they give you bad advice, it’s your fault if you follow that advice. The fact that the Medicare people were unaware of their own rules, and apparently told us the wrong thing, doesn’t absolve us.”

“So what’s the worst case scenario?” someone asked. “That we’ll have to pay all the money back?”

“The monetary penalties are much worse than that,” intoned the CFO. “We’re looking at over 100 investigational ICDs that the good doctor here has implanted,” he said, glaring at me. “And at about $25,000 each, that’s a pretty penny right there. But the Feds are also talking about a $10,000 fine per incident, plus triple damages, so we’re really looking at several tens of millions of dollars we can’t afford. What’s worse, the fact that the OIG joined the whistleblower’s actions suggests that they’re going to claim we intentionally violated Medicare regs – which could mean jail time.” He was looking at me again when he said “jail.”

“Don’t worry,” a vice-president said to me sympathetically. “We’re all in this together. We’ll help you as much as we can.”

“What do you mean, you’ll help me?” I shot back. “I just work here. You do all the billing, keep everything you collect, and pay me a paltry salary.”

“Like I said, we’re all in this together. But those bills do go out under your name, Dr. Fogoros. As far as Medicare is concerned, they’re your bills.” As I’ve since learned, when the feds begin pointing their fickle finger, it’s customary for everybody to dive for cover.

For the next two years my life was plagued by a series of complex machinations – legal probes and parries – made in response to the Feds’ investigation of our supposed “fraudulent” submission of bills. I won’t bore you with the details – I’ll just hit a few highlights.

First, my hospital threw in with two dozen other large hospitals from all over the U.S. that were also affected by the OIG’s subpoena, and together we hired a fancy inside-the-beltway law firm that specialized in healthcare law. These attorneys ultimately determined that the obscure regulation the OIG was invoking against us had itself been illegally promulgated, and therefore should not be enforceable. Accordingly, our hospitals sued Donna Shalala, Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) in federal court to prevent her from enforcing this obscure, previously unknown, and (we held) illegal rule. “We have maybe a 50-50 chance of winning this suit,” I was told by one of our attorneys, “but it won’t be settled for years.”

While all this was going on, the subpoenaed hospitals also lobbied Congress to act on the essential unfairness of it all. “Look,” the hospitals said, “we’ve got one agency of the federal government (Medicare) coming after us for doing research that had been duly approved by another agency of the federal government, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). We need laws to make the Feds behave consistently. When the FDA approves clinical research, Medicare should allow patients to avail themselves of that approved research.” Finally, in November of 1995, Congress passed just such a law. “So we’ve won!” I exulted when the hospital attorney called me with the good news. “Not exactly,” was the reply, “The OIG prevailed on Congress not to make the law retroactive. So the OIG is still coming after us for what they say we did in the 1980s.”

Then, in January of 1996, the Feds launched a new attack. Senator Roth, Chair of the Senate Finance Committee, decided it would be in somebody’s best interest to have a showcase hearing, highlighting the grievous crimes against Medicare that are being promulgated by avaricious physicians and institutions like me and mine. So the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations sent subpoenas to the CEOs of several hospitals from the OIG’s list of 120, mandating that they appear before that committee on Valentines Day (i.e., heart day) to answer questions regarding the allegations that we’d committed Medicare fraud in our use of the ICD. It was to be a real circus – it was to be covered on C-SPAN, with major networks in attendance and lots of national publicity. The works.

Immediately, there was a mad rush to have the subpoenas quashed. All the hospitals from states whose Senators were members of the Finance Committee managed to be excused from appearing. At the end of the day, only four hospitals remained. Mine was one.

I was sure my career had ended. My family, friends, patients and colleagues were about to see the CEO of my hospital appearing before a hostile Senate Investigational Committee answering questions on the Medicare fraud that I supposedly had committed. I knew it didn’t matter that I hadn’t done anything wrong. Truth is only a compilation of some facts, whereas perception is everything.

I spent two days in Washington helping the fancy beltway lawyers prepare our CEO for his testimony. I failed miserably in my emotional pitch to be allowed to testify in his stead (the CEO had been subpoenaed, not me; and besides, anyone who seemed eager to testify before Congress must be crazy enough to get us in trouble). But at least I managed to convince the CEO that we should take a hard line with the subcommittee. After all, we had truth, righteousness, ethics, and possibly even the law on our side. We shouldn’t allow ourselves to be intimidated.

Each witness was to be permitted to read a statement into the record before the questioning began. Our attorneys had prepared a 10-page statement that was vague, wishy-washy, filled with legalese, and as nearly as I could tell, didn’t deny wrongdoing as much as it promised we’d be more careful next time.

So I prevailed on the CEO to tear up this lawyered-up document and instead use a one page statement that I wrote for him, saying, in essence: 1) We implanted investigational ICDs in Medicare patients because they were at high risk of dying without them, and to withhold such life-saving devices when they were available to us would have been unethical and would have constituted malpractice. 2) Before implanting the investigational ICDs, approval for their use was obtained through the FDA. 3) Before billing for the investigational ICDs we asked for and received clearance to do so from our Medicare Intermediary. 4) The records and documents we sent Medicare in support of our billing for these ICDs clearly indicated that the devices were investigational, and yet Medicare reimbursed us each time, over a period of several years and without questioning our actions or our bills. 5) The rule Medicare is now invoking was unknown to us during this period of time, and also, apparently, was unknown to the Medicare Intermediary. 6) In any case, as we have asserted in federal court, that regulation was illegally promulgated, and is therefore not a legal rule. 7) Congress has agreed that regulation to have been at least an ill-advised one, as evidenced by the fact that Congress recently passed legislation that now renders that regulation illegal, whatever its previous legality. 8] If they now assert that our actions constitute fraud, then the message the OIG, Medicare and the Senate subcommittee is sending to the public is that doctors and hospitals are expected to discriminate against the elderly, and will be called to task by the federal government if they refuse to do so. 9) Thank you for your attention.

The hearing was indeed quite a show. The whistleblower himself was the first witness, and he entered the chamber wearing a hood to hide his face, sat behind a screen, and spoke with his voice electronically distorted. This was the first time in history, I was told, that a witness had appeared before Congress disguised in this way, except in hearings featuring Mafia turncoats, drug lords, and the like. The implication, I presume, was that I and my fellow cardiac electrophysiologists were no less evil or potentially violent than other, more famous sorts of felons; and that if we learned this guy’s identity his life wouldn’t be worth a nickel.

Then it was us perpetrators’ turn to testify. The CEOs of the other three subpoenaed hospitals, after reading their lengthy, lawyerly and seemingly contrite statements into the record, were grilled mercilessly by the Senators of the subcommittee. Our CEO was the last witness. Once he read our brief but much more aggressive statement, the Senators seemed not to have any substantial questions for him. His testimony was over almost before it had started. Our hard line had paid off.

One more blessing occurred on that day. Somebody apparently found some Whitewater documents that weren’t supposed to have existed, so ten minutes before the hearing, C-SPAN pulled out and went running down the hall to televise the Whitewater doings. All the other news media went with them. Our hearing, despite the big build-up, the dramatically disguised whistleblower, and the fact that it was Valentine’s Day, barely made the news. The lack of national news exposure (and as a result, the lack of local news coverage) spared my reputation and that of my hospital.

Then finally, later in 1996, a federal judge ruled in our favor in our suit against HHS – the regulation Medicare was invoking, the judge ruled, had indeed been illegally promulgated. The OIG still didn’t give up, but in the end offered a settlement deal to the hospital for a mere million or two (which, by this time, was less than we had already spent defending ourselves), and nobody would have to admit to wrongdoing or go to jail or have a criminal record.

DrRich is not complaining. This episode could have turned out a lot worse. And the whole ordeal provided him with enough amusing anecdotes to last a lifetime. But having the Feds coming after him for more than two years was truly an eye-opening experience.

As DrRich sees it, the rightness of his actions seemed completely obvious. He had used those ICDs because his high-risk patients needed them, and from every indication their usage was legal and proper. But, in the service of his patients he had failed to discover a vague, obscure and difficult-to-interpret rule that existed in the Medicare Intermediary’s guidebook (a guidebook to which he had no access). As a result DrRich had been caught up in the Fed’s great anti-fraud initiative.

For over two years DrRich could never be sure of what was going to happen to him. There were periods of days at a time, usually just after another round of legal punches and counter-punches, when there was little else he could think of. (Would he lose his job, his career, his reputation, all his worldly possessions – would he go to jail?) During those times DrRich was of little use to anybody – colleagues, family or patients.

Of course, in the end it all turned out just fine – but the reason for the favorable outcome wasn’t that the Feds finally agreed that DrRich’s actions had been appropriate and non-fraudulent. It was because his lawyers had found a legal technicality in the Fed’s own actions. Had it not been for this entirely fortuitous discovery, who knows what might have happened?

So DrRich has seen a side of the Feds that most doctors have not, and he is willing to admit to a more robust paranoia on the subject than most would have at this moment. The way it looks from here, the government – at least sometimes – is willing to go to great lengths to prove just how rife with fraud is our healthcare system, and, once the Feds set their sights on an alleged perpetrator, they are pleased go to equally great lengths to bring that supposed perpetrator down. At least sometimes they’re willing to base their prosecution on bad rules that are poorly written, illegally promulgated, and hidden away in obscure manuals; they’re willing to ignore the fact that the alleged perp had relied on advice from the Feds’ own agents before proceeding; they’re willing to summon that perp before a televised, circus-like inquisition to be publicly humiliated for actions that, just a few months earlier, they themselves had passed explicit laws to endorse; and they’re willing, when all legal justifications for their persecutions have at last been taken away, to make a final demand, that some might consider extortionate, for a cash payment before they’ll go away.

At least, that’s how it looks from here.

It is not DrRich’s position that the Feds have been engaging in an unmitigated orgy of illegitimate anti-fraud activities over the past dozen years or more. He is sure they have not. Indeed, most of the anti-fraud activities the Feds have undertaken have undoubtedly been legitimate and useful. Furthermore, DrRich fully understands that any get-tough government initiative – whether it be anti-fraud or anti-terror – has got to have teeth, and that it is natural if regrettable that occasionally, a few innocents will be ensnared in such efforts. DrRich admits the possibility that his frightening experience may represent nothing more than the collateral damage that will naturally happen whenever the sovereign power finds it necessary to wield its great hammer in the overriding interest of the public good.

But forgive DrRich if he believes it is more likely that the experience he has just related represents instead an early glimpse into the government’s methods of intimidating and controlling doctors who, without these kinds of necessary checks, will, in caring for their patients, simply keep doing whatever they’d like with the government’s money. DrRich happens to believe that the utter unpredictability, arbitrariness, doggedness and seeming absurdity of the government’s actions in his own case was not accidental. These techniques are essential to the Feds’ goal of keeping their prey (i.e., physicians) intimidated, completely off balance, and in their thrall.

As evil as we all know the health insurance industry to be, DrRich (and any physician who knows anything about it) would much rather attempt to appeal to/defy/maneuver against/manipulate private insurers for the benefit of their patients (since the worst these entities can do is withhold payment), than do anything whatever – either for the patient’s benefit or for any other reason – that would risk engendering the enmity of the great, slavering, merciless sovereign authority.

Just a thought, as we embark on our new government-controlled healthcare system.

Podcast:

 

 PCPs: Here's All You Need To Know About Our New Healthcare System [14:47m]: Play Now | Play in Popup | Download (3)

DrRich has decided it is time to begin studying the 2700-page healthcare reform bill that the Senate passed on December 24, as that is the bill which will actually become the law of the land. In the fall, DrRich had spent quite a bit of time with the House bill. This was such a painful and useless exercise that DrRich decided he would not waste any more of his time with proposed legislation, but instead (as Nancy Pelosi has wisely suggested) would wait until Congress passed a bill so he could find out what’s in it.

Now, DrRich does not have the stamina to study the new law all at once, as a whole. He must bite off little pieces. And the first thing he sought in embarking on his study of our new healthcare system was evidence of how the new law would rescue the Primary Care Physician.

This is important, since everyone acknowledges that we have a severe shortage of PCPs already, and when we add 32 million Americans to the rolls of the insured, that shortage will become extremely acute. Further, we know that very few medical school graduates are deciding to become PCPs, and further, that the PCPs who are in practice today are becoming older rapidly, and many may not be around in 10 years (or even in 10 months, once this reform bill passes).

As we all have heard, our President and his Congress have explicitly recognized the problem, and have frequently explicated on the need to build up and support our beleaguered primary care workforce. They have promised that their healthcare reforms will aggressively address this issue. And it is largely due to this promise that prominent physician organizations, like the AMA (which really represents a relatively small minority of the medical profession) and the American College of Physicians (which represents a large proportion of internists, of whom many are PCPs), have come out in support of the President’s reform efforts.

DrRich believes, of course, that for the Feds to suddenly make themselves the champions of PCPs, after spending nearly two decades systematically rendering primary care medicine a completely untenable proposition for American physicians, would be an unlikely outcome for any reform bill. Just to remind his readers, here’s what DrRich has previously observed about the carefully engineered plight of the American PCP:

“Their pay is determined arbitrarily by Acts of Congress, not by what they’re worth to their patients or to the market, and indeed in this way PCPs have a lot in common with workers in the old Soviet collectives.

They are directed to “practice medicine” by guidelines and directives which are handed down from on high; guidelines which, being forcibly based on what is called “evidence-based medicine,” necessarily address the average response of some large group of patients to the treatment being considered and do not allow much if any latitude for an individual patient’s needs; and which are often promulgated less to assure the excellent care of patients and more to further the agenda of various and competing interest groups, professional, governmental and otherwise.

They are limited to between 7.5 and 12.5 minutes per patient encounter (depending on the third party that controls a given patient’s medical care), and the content of what must occur during those 7.5 minutes is strictly determined by sundry Pay for Performance checklists, so as to strictly limit any interchanges between doctor and patient that do not meet the approved agenda for such encounters.

Their every move must be carefully documented according to incomprehensible rules, on innumerable forms and documents, that confound patient care but that greatly further the convenience of healthcare accountants and other stone-witted bureaucrats who are employed specifically to second-guess every clinical decision and every action the PCP takes.

They are expected to operate flawlessly under a system of federal rules, regulations and guidelines that cover hundreds of thousands of pages in immeasurable volumes that are never available in any readily accessible form. If they do not operate flawlessly according to those rules, regulations and guidelines, they are guilty of the federal crime of healthcare fraud. Furthermore, the specific meanings of these rules, regulations and guidelines are not merely opaque and difficult to ascertain, but indeed they are fundamentally indeterminate – that is, no individual or group of individuals in existence can say what they mean. So, PCPs operate under a massive quantum cloud of rules as best they can, but their actual status (regarding healthcare fraud) is, like Schrodinger’s cat, fundamentally unknowable – until the “box is opened” (typically through criminal prosecution), whereupon the meaning of the rules is finally crystallized in a court of law, and doctors who had been practicing in good faith find that they have at least a 50- 50 chance (like the cat) of learning that they are actually professionally dead.

Worst of all, PCPs have been charged with the duty of covertly rationing their patients’ healthcare at the bedside, and they have been pressed to nullify the classic doctor-patient relationship, by the healthcare bureaucracy that determines their professional viability, by the United States Supreme Court, and by the bankrupt, new-age ethical precepts of their own profession.”

How does our new healthcare law propose to “fix” these problems? DrRich can find two proposed solutions in the Senate bill.

First, the new law promises to address some of the pay discrepancy which punishes doctors for going into primary care specialties. It is unclear to DrRich how much this new pay fix will bring to PCPs. He will merely observe that, until now, the Feds have intentionally rendered primary care medicine such a soul-wrenching, personally and professionally demeaning endeavor that it has pushed most PCPs beyond mere anger, frustration, or resignation. Many of them are desperately looking for any practicable exit strategy. And to DrRich’s thinking, since it is not primarily their relatively low income that has caused all this anguish, a mere boost in income cannot overcome it.

But, of course, that’s for the PCPs themselves to decide.

Second, the new law proposes to fund new training opportunities for PCPs. This also sounds nice. But DrRich wonders what effect these new training programs will have, when the training programs that already exist cannot come close to filling their slots.

DrRich contends that these two stated “fixes” for manufacturing more PCPs cannot possibly provide an actual solution to the PCP shortage, and further, that the authors of the Senate bill cannot possibly believe they will. And so, DrRich decided to look a little deeper.

The answer to the PCP shortage – at least, the answer our political leaders are actually relying upon – is revealed deep in the Senate bill, in Section 5501, where the definition of “Primary Care Practitioner” is actually provided. Note, first of all, that once this bill becomes the law of the land, “PCP” will no longer mean “primary care physician,” but rather, will mean “primary care practitioner.”

And here’s how the new law defines Primary Care Practioners:

The term ‘primary care practitioner’ means an individual who —

(I) is a physician (as described in section 1861(r)(1)) who has a primary specialty designation of family medicine, internal medicine, geriatric medicine, or pediatric medicine; or

(II) is a nurse practitioner, clinical nurse specialist, or physician assistant (as those terms are defined in 9 section 1861(aa)(5))

And so, to his readers who are primary care physicians, DrRich must report that the real “fix” your political leaders have envisioned for the PCP shortage has been to declare you and nurse practitioners to be functionally (and legally) equivalent. This, DrRich submits, is all you need to know.

Having painstakingly reduced you unfortunate practitioners of primary care medicine to tools of the state – whose job is to follow the guidelines and place chits on the checklists which are handed down from on high, and to fill out the electronic forms which are designed not to advance patient care but to convenience the healthcare accountants who will thereby judge your “quality” – it is only natural for the central authority to eventually notice that you really don’t need all that training to do the kind of job they have invented for you. Nurses – who can be “trained up” much more rapidly than you, who will work for much less money than you, and who (they think) will be much less recalcitrant about following handed-down directives than you – will fill the gap. And you, doctor, can go pound salt.

DrRich must hasten to add, by the way, that, regarding the nurse practitioners, he believes the Feds have miscalculated. DrRich knows a lot of nurse practitioners and greatly admires their professionalism. He believes that “PCP” has been so successfully demeaned that many fewer nurse practitioners than our political leaders think will actually jump at the opportunity to become one (especially when you take into account the liability you assume when you become a PCP in a non-tort-reform paradigm like the one our leaders have made for us). Trusting in their common sense, DrRich will leave the nurse practitioners to their own wise counsel.

To his primary care physician friends, who have bravely held on, clinging to the promises made by our political leaders that their noble efforts will not go unrewarded, and to the assurances made by their own professional organizations that all will be well once the system is reformed, DrRich is forced to say: Told you so.

He also reminds you that it is still not illegal to opt out, and urges you to consider that it soon might be.

The U.S. Congress has been distracted from the vital issue of healthcare reform in recent weeks, due to the prospect of elections of one form or another (that is, Scott Brown’s, or their own). It may be a little difficult to understand why the Democrats – who still hold the Presidency, a large majority in the House, and a 59 to 41 majority in the Senate – suddenly seem to be so very disheartened, to the point of virtual paralysis, on healthcare reform. Healthcare reform, after all, is the crowning jewel in their agenda to fundamentally change America as we know it.

While President Obama, Speaker Pelosi, and a few other stalwarts seem to understand that passing healthcare reform would be worth almost any price that might be extracted by the electorate in November, less principled (and more at-risk) members of Congress, who are apparently less dedicated to a certain ideology than their leaders, apparently see it another way.

And so, from all appearances, things appear to have stalled on healthcare reform.

But while our political leaders seem willing at this moment to take a breather – either to lick their wounds and regroup, or to celebrate an important tactical victory – one interested party in the healthcare reform wars cannot afford to rest.

That would be the health insurance industry.

As DrRich has pointed out before, the health insurance industry is the one entity that simply cannot afford to wait. They need healthcare reform now.

The health insurance industry has pretty much run out its string. The era in which insurers can increase their market cap by acquiring public assets (i.e., non-profit institutions) for a fraction of their true value, and by making mergers and acquisitions, is pretty much over. For the past few years insurance companies, for the first time, have had to try to make a profit by taking care of sick people. They have never done that successfully, and never will. They have tried every underhanded trick imaginable to avoid paying benefits to their subscribers. They have already raised insurance premiums to the very breaking point. But an uncooperative public insists on getting older and sicker, and greedy drug and medical device companies insist on bringing ever-more expensive technologies to the clinic. The insurance industry finds its profit margins (already small) rapidly eroding. The industry’s business model – taking in inflated insurance premiums, then attempting to withhold medical services – is irreparably broken.

As a result, what the health insurance industry needs more than anything else is a graceful exit strategy. And Mr. Obama’s healthcare reforms promised them that very thing. (What, exactly, they have been promised is largely a matter of conjecture, but most likely they will take on a role in administering government-funded healthcare, quite possibly assuming the role of a public utility.)

Whatever may be the particulars of the “deal” the health insurance industry struck with the reformers, that deal offered them enough to purchase their silence during the entire roiling debate over healthcare reform through the summer, fall and winter. They have stoically (almost cheerfully) accepted their assigned role as “villain” in this set piece, and have silently borne the public “attacks” the President and his soldiers have dutifully launched against them in an effort to drum up support for their reforms. All the nasty things the Democrats have said about them, the industry understands, are necessary components of their last best hope to salvage something serviceable out of their broken business model. No Harry and Louise this time!

Despite this symbiotic relationship, the reforms envisioned by the Democrats and the insurance industry have now faltered. The stalling of the reforms, however, means very different things to these partners.

For the Democrats, while abandoning, or even substantially diminishing, the ambitious reforms they had in their sights might prove modestly embarrassing for a time, such is the nature of politics. When one overreaches, one pulls back and waits for a while, until the other side overreaches. Look at where the Republicans were just a year ago. A year or three from now, they may be back in a similarly diminished state – and the time for passing healthcare reform may again become propitious. If you’re a Democrat politician, you must take the long view.

But the insurance industry does not have that luxury. They are at the end of their tether, and their only alternative to a graceful exit strategy of the type (whatever it was) the President promised them, is a completely graceless one. Whatever happens or doesn’t happen with healthcare reform, the insurers can’t keep doing business as usual. DrRich believes the health insurance industry has been backed into a corner, and the doorway the Democrats were making for them is being nailed shut.

In such a situation, it is entirely predictable that the insurance industry will take some kind of drastic action, to try to force healthcare reform back on the table.

And last week, Wellpoint did so. Wellpoint’s California subsidiary, Anthem Blue Cross, announced it is raising its already-astronomical health insurance premiums by as much as 39%, a move that promises to greatly increase the number of Californians who are uninsured.

Kathleen Sebelius immediately fired off a public letter to the company, demanding that they justify this unconscionable rate increase. And Wellpoint, lustily assuming its assigned role as villain, was delighted to comply. We’re in a recession, Wellpoint brazenly asserted, and in a recession, like it or not, people exercise their prerogative to drop their health insurance. The only people who don’t drop their health insurance are the sick people or those who are likely to become sick, which means that our cost per subscriber goes way up. So naturally, we have to increase premiums. By a lot. It’s just business. That’s just the nature of our current, unreformed healthcare system. So choke on it.

Wellpoint was also kind enough to mention (for anyone dense enough to have missed the point) that the need for higher premiums would be nicely mitigated if everybody was mandated to purchase health insurance.

Wellpoint’s premium increase immediately triggered great volumes of delighted outrage by thankful Democrats, who really need a large dose of “evil insurance company” right about now, but it elicited only a few lame and uncomfortable attempts by stunned Republicans to diminish the significance of the unfortunate action.

DrRich would like to point out that, from a pure business standpoint, there was no good reason for Wellpoint to stir the soup at this moment. Wellpoint is the most financially sound private health insurance company. While its California subsidiary did lose money last year, overall the company performed quite well, and reported a very nice profit growth for the year. And with several of its competitors in trouble, Wellpoint stands to do comparatively well for the foreseeable future. So it stands to reason that, if Wellpoint really wanted healthcare reform to go away, they would have waited a few months before announcing their rate hike. It would have cost them very little to do so. The last thing they would have done is to throw the reformers a critical lifeline just as they were going under for the last time.

Wellpoint’s astounding premium increase was, DrRich submits, a strategic move to push health insurance reform back to the front burner.

The Republicans, many of whom believe that the failure of Obama’s healthcare reform will spell the failure of his presidency, have been thereby served notice. An angry electorate – which, at the moment, seems ready to punish Democrats for their attempt at passing an unpopular government takeover of healthcare – is likely to become even angrier if it turns out that the failure to reform healthcare will give the haughty insurance companies the green light to price even more millions of hard-working Americans out of the health insurance market. That species of anger will be directed toward the Republicans, and not the Democrats.

DrRich has always maintained that if healthcare reform is to happen, despite the incompetence of the Democrats who control everything, the reason it will happen is because the insurance companies cannot survive without it.

Accordingly, Republicans who understand what Wellpoint is telling them will think twice about skipping President Obama’s proposed bipartisan summit on healthcare, or behaving intractably if they do show up. If they fail to get the message, DrRich suspects that we will soon be hearing about additional, even more astounding, rate hikes.

In his last post, and not without some little trepidation over the propriety of doing so, DrRich offered to enter into a “constructive dialogue” with Bob Doherty of the ACP Advocate Blog, regarding the important topic of medical ethics. What occasioned this offer was the fortuitous selection of each of us as finalists in the 2009 Medical Weblog Award Competition, in the category of Best Health Policy/Ethics Blog.

Ever since the inception of the Covert Rationing Blog (and even before that, in his book) DrRich has taken strong exception to the new code of “medical ethics for a new millennium,” formally promulgated in 2002 by the American College of Physicians and several of its equally respected sister organizations (a grouping DrRich has termed the Millennialists). And when he saw that the ACP Advocate Blog (an official publication of a principle component of the Millennialists) had become a co-finalist for a Weblog Award in the category of medical ethics, DrRich could not resist offering to engage in a discussion over same.

DrRich is delighted to report that Bob Doherty, who, in addition of being the author of the ACP Advocate Blog, is also the ACP’s Senior Vice President of Governmental Affairs and Public Policy, has graciously agreed to the suggested exchange of ideas. Mr. Doherty reports that he will be posting a reply to DrRich’s “challenge,” once he finishes consulting with the ACP’s Center for Ethics, Professionalism and Human Rights. And so, dear readers, it appears that DrRich (your humble correspondent) has gotten himself into a situation. It appears he will be engaging – at his own instigation, no less – with actual, certified experts on medical ethics, regarding the topic: medical ethics.

DrRich can almost hear some of his loyal readers gasping: “Why, he’ll be skinned alive!”

But fear not. DrRich will not hurt him. DrRich does not flay anybody, and promises to remain entirely civil and friendly in this exchange. DrRich, upon his honor, will see to it that Mr. Doherty (and whatever friends he may enlist in the cause) will emerge from this encounter entirely intact, integumentarily speaking.

In fact, to show his great good faith (and to level the playing field), DrRich will now break with all the conventions of debate, and before Mr. Doherty posts his reply, will lay the rest of his cards upon the table, so that the opposition will have the advantage of knowing ALL of DrRich’s arguments before they commit themselves to an answer. That is how dedicated DrRich is to keeping this competition friendly and respectful and fair.

DrRich’s Argument So Far

In his previous, challenge-issuing post, DrRich described how the “New Ethics” advanced by the Millennialists obligates the physician to strive for the ethical precept of Social Justice, which is to say, for “the fair distribution of healthcare resources.” So the doctor is now charged with deciding which patients may receive, and which may not receive, certain healthcare resources. To say it another way, under this new conception of medical ethics the doctor is assigned the duty to ration healthcare, covertly, at the bedside.

DrRich further described how this New Ethics fundamentally wrecks the doctor-patient relationship, and thus leaves patients to their own devices within a hostile healthcare system. In addition DrRich asserted that, once they adopted this New Ethics, physicians surrendered their claim to the title “professional,” and accordingly, made themselves fair game to whatever treatment, tactic, or travesty that any more powerful interest group (such as trial lawyers or Congress or regulators or insurers) may choose to foist upon them. Physicians no longer have any ethical standing for turning such attacks aside. Rather, as non-professionals, their ability to withstand attacks can only be proportionate to whatever socioeconomic or political pressure they can muster. So, as DrRich sees it, the New Ethics promulgated by the Millennialists is pretty much a disaster for both doctors and patients.

This is the extent of the argument DrRich has advanced so far.

Here Are The Rest Of DrRich’s Cards

The Millennialists did get one thing right in this effort. They correctly diagnosed the fact that old-fashioned, “classic” medical ethics, as advantageous as it may have been to both patients and doctors, is no longer consistent with reality.

Under classical medical ethics, the doctor’s one and only ethical obligation was to the individual patient. And so, classic ethics did not allow for any limits whatsoever on the medical services a patient may receive. If some bit of available medical care might offer even a small nugget of hope, doctors were obligated to provide it, no matter how expensive it might be to do so.

It is important to recognize that classic medical ethics evolved during a time when medical technology was relatively primitive, limited, and cheap, and more importantly, at a time when patients paid for their own healthcare. So when classic medical ethics was formulated, “healthcare spending limits” (though nobody talked in such terms back then), were self-imposed, by the patient.

But over the past 60 years medical technology has become very advanced and very expensive. And even more to the point, we have evolved a payment system in which people who receive healthcare are spending not their own funds, but rather, are spending publicly-funded, pooled resources. (Those pooled resources are either funded directly through the government, or are subsidized by the public indirectly, through tax-deductable insurance premiums).

It is this collective funding arrangement that has made classic medical ethics obsolete. It is neither feasible nor ethical to leave all decisions on how to spend society’s pooled healthcare dollars to individual doctors and individual patients, who can “take” as much of this pooled resource as they think they’d like to have, with absolutely no constraints. Such an arrangement eventually and inevitably leads to fiscal ruin.

By the 1990s, because spending limits were absolutely necessary, but at the same time classic medical ethics precluded setting such limits, doctors were being coerced by the private insurers and government payers to establish those limits covertly, through bedside rationing. This was the problem faced by the Millennialists when they set out to reformulate medical ethics, and they were right to make the attempt.

But unfortunately, this is where the Millennialists dropped the ball and, as DrRich has shown, settled upon an answer that just made things worse.

The Right Medical Ethics

Medical ethics would be “right” if it could be made to comport with the classic notion that the doctor’s primary obligation is to his/her individual patients (thus preserving the classic doctor-patient relationship), and yet still respected society’s need to control the spending of its pooled resources. That is, the “right” ethics will recognize both society’s needs and the needs of individual patients, will recognize that those two sets of legitimate needs are often in conflict, and will provide an ethical framework for resolving these conflicts.

That ethical framework, DrRich is pleased to announce, is not that hard to conceptualize.

We can solve this problem if we think of the ethics of healthcare as being organized into two concentric spheres. The outer sphere holds the ethical precepts adopted by society to guide the behavior of the healthcare system for the benefit of the entire population; for example, to set overall limits on spending. These outer-sphere precepts help to ensure that the needs of society as a whole are served in an ethical manner by the healthcare system.

Contained within (and therefore subject to) that outer sphere of societal precepts is an inner sphere, which holds the ethical precepts that govern the behavior of individual doctors and patients within the healthcare system. Inner-sphere precepts help to ensure that the rights and needs of individual patients are addressed in an ethical manner.

So, while the physician’s primary ethical obligation must always be for the benefit of the individual patient, and therefore the physician must operate according to ethical precepts that honor this duty to individual patients (the inner-sphere precepts), their behavior must also conform with the ethical constraints imposed by society on the entire population (the outer-sphere precepts).

We can think of the inner-sphere precepts as an immutable core of ethical beliefs that serve the fundamental American commitment to the autonomy of the individual, and of the outer sphere as a coating, fashioned by society and therefore changeable, that places an adjustable (and ethically derived) limit on the individual’s ability to consume pooled resources.

The Inner Sphere – Ethical Precepts For Individuals

The inner sphere of ethical precepts – the core – fully preserves the two precepts of classic medical ethics: the precept of Patient Welfare, which requires the doctor to always act to the benefit of his/her individual patient; and the precept of Patient Autonomy, which requires the doctor to respect the individual patient’s right to medical self-determination. So the inner sphere precepts completely restore the physician’s sacred obligation to the interests of their individual patients. And thus, also restored are both the classic doctor-patient relationship, and medical professionalism.

But while individual welfare and individual autonomy are critical (and comprise the chief ethical obligations of the physician), there are still legitimate limits to what the patient (and doctor) can reasonably expect to receive from pooled resources. When a patient demands that everything possible be done for them, they are exceeding the bounds of autonomy if doing “everything” means that other individuals would thereby be deprived of what otherwise would be rightfully their fair share of those pooled resources. These necessary bounds on individual autonomy are defined by the outer sphere.

The Outer Sphere – Ethical Precepts For Society.

Under any equitable healthcare system we are going to have to carefully define our outer sphere ethical norms, because those are the standards that bound and govern the inner-sphere behaviors of individual doctors and patients. This “outer sphere ethics” is also comprised of two ethical precepts, Societal Beneficence and Distributive Justice.

Societal Beneficence (or social welfare) requires the healthcare system to attempt to maximize the overall public good realized from whatever pooled resources society expends on healthcare. Social welfare is not the same as patient welfare, because what is optimal for an individual patient may often reduce the overall benefit to society, and vice versa.

Distributive Justice requires the benefits of the healthcare system to be distributed fairly, that is, in a way that does not discriminate against individuals or groups based on who they are.

The outer-sphere precepts honor society’s right to accrue optimal benefits from whatever collective resources society provides toward healthcare. That is, the outer-sphere precepts recognize society’s legitimate interest in limiting and equitably distributing those collective resources – and indeed, recognizes its ethical obligation to do so.

Medical Ethics And the Spheres

With this framework it is easy to see why the American healthcare system is presently inequitable and unethical. A hallmark of our present system is the lack (thanks to our culture of no limits) of any attempt to define effective outer-sphere societal norms, which would bound the appropriate behavior of individual physicians and patients. This deficiency makes it entirely feasible, and very common, for some patients to soak up a disproportionate share of publicly funded healthcare resources, while others (though they are also paying into the system) are left with next to nothing.

Achieving equity should have nothing whatever to do with adjusting the inner-sphere precepts. Individuals in the United States (to paraphrase the Declaration of Independence) have a self-evident right to their individual autonomy. The inner-sphere precepts are granted to us by our founding documents, and as Americans we should avoid modifying the inner-sphere precepts at all costs, since, once we do, we are abandoning our foundational principles. (This means that the Millennialists have done more damage, with their New Ethics, than merely harming doctors and patients. They have begun – or continued – undermining the principle of individual autonomy upon which the United States was founded. ) (Sorry to have to mention it.)

It is the outer-sphere precepts – those that can be negotiated legitimately by society, and which can legitimately limit the scope of inner-sphere behaviors – that we need to get into proper order.

A properly functioning system of medical ethics, therefore, would require society to devise workable outer-sphere precepts, and through these ethical precepts, establish transparent rules for setting necessary limits on collective healthcare spending. Then, within that system of rules, doctors and patients would work together, under a fully restored doctor-patient relationship, to assure that every patient has access to all legitimately available medical options. And the doctor would be allowed (and expected) to leave no stone unturned in obtaining those legitimate medical services for his/her patient.

This arrangement is analogous to the attorney-client relationship, where the attorney, acting within the bounds imposed by the law (outer sphere norms), is expected to do everything within his/her power to see that the client gains every conceivable, allowable advantage (inner sphere behavior) as they navigate the complex legal system.

To further illustrate this point, we Americans are now engaged in a debate over whether the Christmas Underwear Bomber ought to be eligible to receive all the legal protections afforded to an American citizen under the law. It is notable that ALL the discussion in this case is in regard to whether American outer-sphere legal norms should apply to the terrorist. Nobody is suggesting that his attorney ought to abrogate his (or her, as the case may be) sacred “inner-sphere” obligations to this client, in order to achieve some sort of “fair distribution” of society’s legitimate interests. Nobody expects the terrorist’s attorney to refrain from advising him remain silent, for instance, even though that silence may expose us all to substantial additional harm. The lawyer’s inner-sphere obligations are secure, even here. Rather, the argument we’re having is strictly limited to how we should apply outer-sphere legal protections to this case.

It is the right argument to have. And it’s the very argument we should be having in regard to medical ethics.

And as much as DrRich does not like lawyers, he very much admires the tenacity with which they have preserved their fiduciary relationship with their clients – even in cases like this one. If physicians (and their organizations) had behaved with the professional integrity displayed by the despised attorneys, doctors and their patients would be in much less difficulty today.

A Plea

It is instructive to re-consider the New Ethics, which now has been formally implemented by the Millennialists, in light of DrRich’s proposed two-sphere system of ethics (which he audaciously labels “right ethics,” but to show his humility he will not use caps). The New Ethics can be seen to have resulted by the simple expedient of moving the outer-sphere principles of Societal Beneficence and Distributive Justice (lumped together as Social Justice) down into the inner sphere, where individual doctors are expected to deal with them.

You can’t actually do that, of course, because these are intrinsically outer-sphere norms. But nonetheless, New Ethics formally puts doctors into the position of having to serve the best interest of their patients (individual beneficence and autonomy) while at the same time, covertly rationing their patients’ healthcare (societal beneficence and distributive justice). It is quite impossible for individual physicians to reconcile these competing interests in any equitable sense, and charging them with the job of doing so is illogical, nonsensical – and (DrRich respectfully submits) unethical.

Doctors and patients would be much better served if physicians’ professional organizations, such as the ACP, would revisit their new-age Physician’s Charter on ethics. DrRich understands that our modern society is exceedingly reluctant to establish outer-sphere rules for limiting pooled healthcare resources, and for distributing them equitably. But that reluctance is not a sufficient justification for physicians themselves, through their professional organizations, to initiate and implement new ethical standards that sacrifice their sacred obligation to their patients.

My goodness, can we not muster up at least the ethical sensibilities of lawyers?